However, some third-country nationals are allowed to stay more than 90 days in the Schengen area without having to apply for a long-stay visa. For example, France does not require citizens of Andorra, Monaco, San Marino and Vatican City to apply for an extended residence visa.  In addition, Article 20, paragraph 2, of the Schengen Agreement continues to apply it «in exceptional circumstances» and bilateral agreements concluded by some signatory states with other countries prior to the convention`s entry into force. For example, New Zealand nationals can stay for up to 90 days in each of the Schengen countries (Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland) which had already entered into bilateral visa-free agreements with the New Zealand government prior to the entry into force of the bilateral visa waiver agreement, without the need to apply for a long-term visa. but if you are travelling to other Schengen countries, the 90 days apply within 180 days.            About 1.7 million people move each day across a European border for work, and in some regions, they account for up to one-third of the labour force. For example, 2.1% of Hungarian workers work in another country, mainly in Austria and Slovakia. Every year, there are a total of 1.3 billion border crossings at the Schengen borders. 57 million crossings are needed for the transport of goods by road worth 2.8 trillion euros per year.    Goods trade is more affected than trade in services and the decline in trade costs ranges from 0.42% to 1.59% depending on geography, trading partners and other factors.  This article highlights aspects of an ongoing research project on governance under different democratic conditions, currently being implemented by the author (Vienna, in preparation). For commenting on the research project, I would like to thank the participants in research seminars in 1999 at ARENA, University of Oslo, ECPR workshops in Mannheim, the Free University of Berlin, the University of Hanover, the University of Nijmegen and the participants in the roundtable at ECSA-US, Pittsburgh. I would like to thank Gordon Anthony and Elspeth Guild for their comments on previous versions of this particular document.
The responsibility for this version is that of the author. The document attempted to show that «Euroscepticism» was not the decisive motivation for the British «no» to Schengen. Instead, the paper identified the influence of contextual variables such as supranational and domestic conditions. On the basis of the constructivist hypothesis that socialization and intersubjectivity are important, she proposed to situate decision-makers. In particular, it drew attention to the dual character of standards as structuring factors that inform decision-makers, although often invisible, and as constructive components of the European political formation process. The document shows that the controversial debates on the implementation of the Schengen acquis have helped to create flexibility as a leader in `European` policy in principle. The interdisciplinary political scientist and the legal approach of the document provided information on the creeping constitutionalism that has just accelerated after the Intergovernmental Conference in Amsterdam. Beyond the British `no` declaration, the document thus opened up a theoretically Schengen perspective as a key element in the process that forges flexibility. On the other hand, while Ireland initially submitted a request in 2002 to participate in the Schengen acquis, which was approved by the Council of the European Union, this decision has not yet entered into force.
In February 2010, in response to a parliamentary question, the Irish Minister of Justice stated that «measures that will enable Ireland to comply with its Schengen obligations are under consideration».»  Andorra and San Marino are not part of Schengen, but they no longer have controls at the